A remarkable feature of oriental politics, in general, is that it is inclined to prefer the persons of dynastic nature in governance. The recent elevation of Mojtaba Khamenei as Iran’s new supreme leader offers yet another conspicuous manifestation of this feature. Like it or not, Mojtaba Khamenei’s sole qualification today is that he is the son of the previous supremo Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. He has never held any government office. Nor has he given important public speeches or interviews. But, after his father was killed in the ongoing US-Israeli strikes against Iran, he has been chosen his successor.

One thinks it would be naïve to expect the new leader to deliver anything positive to Iran and the world. It is doubtful if he would continue in office for long. Report are that the Donald J. Trump administration in Washington and its Israeli counterpart in Jerusalem today are dead determined to intensify their ongoing offensives to dismantle the clerical regime in Iran. The two nations continue to batter Iran with bombs and missiles.  US President Trump has announced the new leadership in Iran would be “unacceptable.” Israel has vowed to kill whoever succeeds Ayatollah Khamenei.

Besides, one thinks, if Mojtaba Khamenei continues at the helm in the country, he  is likely to consolidate all power unto his hands and assert his control over the clerical system in the country. He is reportedly having close ties with Iran’s clerical class and security and military establishment, including the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Also, the continuance of the Mojtaba Khamenei leadership is sure to prolong the predicament of the Kurds in Iran. History bears out the Kurds in Iran have faced persecution, repression, and marginalization since long. The Shah regime dismantled their short-lived Republic of Mahabad in 1946–1947. It prohibited the teaching of the Kurdish language and restricted the expression of Kurdish identity. It ensured that Kurdish regions were politically marginalized and did not have a say in local administration. The Kurds have faced greater persecution since the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran. The clerical regime in Iran intensified the Shah methodology of repression against the Kurds and labelled their leaders as infidels.

One would suggest Washington and Jerusalem should be sincere in their current effort to dismantle the current clerical regime in Iran. The need to dismantle the radical Iranian regime is urgent today in the interest of humanity. Washington and Jerusalem would do well to rope in the Iranian Kurdish militias in their enterprise against the clerical regime. The two capitals must bear in mind the Kurds can be a great asset to them against the radical regime that has labelled them “Great Satan” and “Little Satan.”

Needless to say—Washington needs to introspect in the matter and atone for its somewhat sinful approach to the Kurdish question in the past. It is well documented that Washington has, so far, done little to advance the Kurdish cause anywhere in the Middle Eastern region— Iran, Iraq, Syria or Turkey.

A study suggests that since 1917 Washington has spent trillions of dollars on its foreign engagements. It has stationed some millions of its troops abroad and lost over 620,000 of them. Working for the Kurdish autonomy in the region has never been its foreign policy priority. So far, it has provided less than $8 billion in aid to Iraqi and Syrian Kurds. It has temporarily deployed, at most, four thousand of its troops in the region. Washington has lost less than twenty of military lives therein.

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Source: Weekly Blitz :: Writings