The current turbulence across the Middle East has once again raised a fundamental question: how has Shiite-majority Iran managed to exert such sustained influence across predominantly Sunni Muslim nations? From the Gulf monarchies to segments of political movements in the wider Muslim world, Tehran’s reach has often exceeded what sectarian arithmetic alone would predict.

To understand this phenomenon, one must revisit 1979 – the year of the Islamic Revolution in Iran led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. That year did not simply mark a change of regime in Tehran; it marked the birth of a revolutionary doctrine with transnational ambitions. Khomeini’s project was never confined within Iran’s borders. It was ideological, strategic, and designed to resonate across sectarian divides.

Within weeks of assuming power, Khomeini announced the creation of “International Quds Day”, observed annually on the last Friday of Ramadan. The declaration, made on August 7, 1979, framed the Palestinian issue as a unifying cause for Muslims worldwide. In his proclamation, Khomeini called upon Muslims everywhere to demonstrate solidarity with Palestinians and to oppose Israel’s control of Jerusalem.

The introduction of Quds Day was a masterstroke in political theology. By elevating the Palestinian cause to a global religious obligation, Tehran effectively positioned itself as the custodian of a pan-Islamic struggle. The symbolism was powerful: Jerusalem (Al Quds) occupies profound spiritual significance for Muslims of all sects. By tying Iran’s revolutionary legitimacy to this cause, Khomeini transcended the Shiite-Sunni divide in rhetoric, even if not in theology.

Over time, Quds Day rallies spread beyond Iran to parts of the Middle East, Europe, North America, and Southeast Asia. Demonstrations often featured anti-Israel and anti-Western slogans, framed as protests against occupation and expressions of solidarity with Palestinians. Senior Iranian clerics, including Naser Makarem Shirazi, characterized participation in Quds Day as a form of religious devotion (eb?dat), reinforcing its spiritual dimension. For Tehran, this was more than symbolism. It was strategy.

The Palestinian cause has historically resonated deeply within Sunni-majority societies. By consistently championing it, Iran cultivated soft power far beyond its sectarian base. Conservative Sunni governments – including Saudi Arabia – initially did not challenge this narrative head-on, partly because opposing such a cause could appear politically and religiously risky. The result was an unusual dynamic: a Shiite revolutionary state assuming rhetorical leadership on an issue central to Sunni political identity.

Iran’s influence was not limited to rhetoric. Over the decades, Tehran developed relationships with armed and political groups aligned with its regional vision. Among them are Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad, both of which have endorsed Quds Day and maintained varying degrees of cooperation with Iran. While sectarian differences remain, the shared opposition to Israel created common ground.

More broadly, Iran institutionalized its external projection of power through the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), particularly its external operations wing. Through political backing, financial support, and military assistance to allied groups, Tehran gradually embedded itself into multiple regional theaters.

The impact of this strategy has been visible across the Gulf. Countries such as Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates have at various times accused Iran of interference or destabilizing activities. Meanwhile, rivalry with Saudi Arabia has shaped much of the region’s geopolitical landscape over the past four decades.

Yet the paradox remains: despite sectarian divides, Iran has often succeeded in framing itself as a defender of Muslim causes. This messaging has sometimes resonated within Sunni societies, particularly where public opinion strongly identifies with the Palestinian struggle.

Tehran’s approach illustrates a broader principle of geopolitical strategy: ideological branding can override doctrinal differences when tied to emotionally powerful causes. By consistently placing Palestine at the center of its foreign policy narrative, Iran claimed moral high ground in the eyes of many across the Muslim world.

Critics argue that this posture masks a deeper ambition – to position Iran as the de facto leader of the Islamic world. Supporters counter that Iran merely filled a vacuum left by hesitant or divided Sunni leadership. Regardless of interpretation, the outcome is undeniable: Tehran became an indispensable actor in Middle Eastern politics, capable of influencing events far beyond its borders.

For Sunni-majority governments, this dynamic poses complex questions. How should they balance solidarity with Palestinian aspirations while preventing external powers from leveraging the issue for strategic gain? How can they assert leadership without appearing indifferent to a cause deeply rooted in public sentiment?

The evolution of Quds Day from a revolutionary declaration in Tehran to a recurring global event demonstrates how symbolic politics can shape long-term geopolitical realities. It also reveals the enduring power of narratives in a region where religion, identity, and statecraft intersect. More than four decades after 1979, the reverberations of that revolutionary moment continue to shape the Middle East. Iran’s leadership understood early on that influence does not depend solely on military strength. It depends on ideas, symbolism, and the ability to connect with deeply held beliefs across borders.

Whether Sunni nations reassess their strategic calculations in response to regional tensions remains to be seen. But history suggests that any serious evaluation must begin with an honest look back to the origins of Iran’s revolutionary foreign policy – and to the calculated use of pan-Islamic symbolism that allowed a Shiite republic to speak, at least rhetorically, to the wider Sunni world.

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The post How Iran’s mullahs hijacked the Palestinian cause to dominate the Sunni world appeared first on BLiTZ.

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Source: Weekly Blitz :: Writings