A trove of leaked documents has revealed that a prominent Russian cultural center in Spain has played a covert role in advancing the Kremlin’s geopolitical agenda across Europe. The files, obtained by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP) and Spain’s El Periódico, provide a detailed account of how Aleksandr Chepurnoy, director of Casa de Rusia in Alicante, coordinated influence operations aligned with Moscow’s interests – all while operating under EU sanctions.

According to the internal communications, Chepurnoy acted as a direct conduit between Russian state actors and their proxies in Spain. His operations were conducted under the umbrella of Pravfond — a Kremlin-linked foundation officially known as the Foundation for the Support and Protection of the Rights of Compatriots Living Abroad. Though Pravfond claims to provide legal aid to Russians abroad, the European Union sanctioned it in 2023 for its role in international propaganda and influence campaigns.

Chepurnoy’s correspondence with Pravfond leadership reveals his role as a strategic operative rather than a mere cultural ambassador. His messages described organizing protests, pressuring institutions, cultivating loyal media contacts, and even sabotaging events critical of the Russian state.

Among the activities documented in the leaked files was Chepurnoy’s orchestration of anti-NATO campaigns in the Alicante region, including a protest in the coastal town of El Campello. The protest coincided with broader Russian narratives accusing NATO of escalating the war in Ukraine and threatening global security.

Chepurnoy also mounted a public campaign to advocate for the release of Pablo González, a Spanish-Russian journalist arrested in Poland in 2022 on espionage charges. González was eventually exchanged in a spy swap between Russia and Western governments in 2024. During his detention, Chepurnoy mobilized local activists and pro-Russian groups in Spain to portray González as a victim of Western persecution.

Perhaps most striking was his role in derailing a photography exhibition titled 86 Days Under Siege, which featured powerful imagery from the besieged Ukrainian city of Mariupol. The exhibit, scheduled to be held at the University of Alicante in 2023, was based on the work of Azov Regiment photographer Dmytro Kozatskyi, who had been recently freed from Russian captivity. In confidential reports to Pravfond, Chepurnoy boasted of organizing a coordinated campaign involving Russian expatriates, left-wing “antifascist” groups, and online influencers like Kremlin-aligned blogger Liu Sivaya. The campaign successfully pressured university officials into cancelling the event, a move Chepurnoy described as a “strategic victory.”

The leaked documents not only expose these influence operations but also directly implicate Chepurnoy in violating EU sanctions. His name appears on financial reports, grant applications, and logistical memos sent to Pravfond long after the foundation was banned by the EU. These documents show continued coordination between Pravfond’s Moscow headquarters and Casa de Rusia in Spain – a violation of the spirit, if not the letter, of European sanctions policy.

Chepurnoy did not respond to requests for comment, and neither did Pravfond. Their silence, however, is unlikely to dampen scrutiny, especially given the wider implications of the leaks.

The investigation is part of OCCRP’s larger project titledDear Compatriots, which delves into the expansive influence network operated by Pravfond across multiple continents. Tens of thousands of internal communications paint a disturbing picture: far from being a benign cultural or humanitarian organization, Pravfond acts as a covert arm of Russian soft power and intelligence operations abroad.

Another case uncovered by the project involves Russian lawyer Maria Arkhipova, long considered a dissident. Internal files show that she provided detailed surveillance reports from Georgia to Pravfond, including the names and activities of local anti-Kremlin protesters. Her collaboration with Pravfond reportedly continued for years, despite her public opposition to Moscow’s policies.

Elsewhere, in Australia, Pravfond has been sanctioned for funding the legal defense of high-profile Kremlin propagandists, such as Simeon Boikov, also known as the “Aussie Cossack.” Boikov gained notoriety for spreading disinformation during the COVID-19 pandemic and later sought refuge in the Russian consulate to avoid arrest. Internal Pravfond records revealed it paid tens of thousands of dollars toward Boikov’s legal expenses. The Australian government labeled Pravfond’s activities as a “strategic threat” aimed at manipulating public opinion.

Founded in 2012 during Dmitry Medvedev’s presidency, Pravfond claims to champion human rights and support Russians abroad. However, Western intelligence assessments describe it as a Kremlin Trojan horse – a vehicle for shaping public discourse, recruiting sympathizers, and interfering in the domestic politics of foreign countries.

The revelations surrounding Casa de Rusia in Alicante show how easily such operations can be embedded within legitimate-seeming cultural or humanitarian institutions. By masquerading as a center for “peace between nations,” the organization was able to avoid scrutiny, even while coordinating hostile information campaigns against NATO, Ukraine, and the broader Western alliance.

The exposure of Chepurnoy’s activities raises urgent questions about the effectiveness of current EU sanctions enforcement mechanisms. Despite being under sanction, Pravfond has been able to continue funding and coordinating activities within the bloc with apparent impunity. Experts argue this suggests a need for stricter oversight, better intelligence sharing among member states, and stronger enforcement of existing laws.

Meanwhile, the leaked files serve as a cautionary tale for host countries like Spain, where cultural diplomacy has been exploited as a smokescreen for foreign interference. As Russian state media and proxies continue to adapt their strategies for influence abroad, democratic societies may find themselves grappling with the complexities of hybrid warfare waged not with bombs, but with narratives, lawsuits, protests, and exhibitions.

The challenge now, for European governments and institutions, is not merely to respond to these revelations, but to recognize that such operations are part of a larger, coordinated campaign to weaken democratic cohesion from within – one “compatriot” at a time.

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Source: Weekly Blitz :: Writings