Pakistan’s anti-India radicalization is backfiring—fueling extremism, eroding democracy, and threatening regional stability. What began as strategy now risks national collapse.

Radicalization is increasingly proving to be a self-destructive force within Pakistan. While once used as a strategic tool, the state is now doubling down on this tactic, particularly as a means to challenge India. What began as geopolitical maneuvering has evolved into an entrenched ideological project—one that now threatens Pakistan’s internal stability and regional peace.

This strategy includes the use of inflammatory anti-India rhetoric, the mobilization of religious-political groups such as Jamaat-e-Islami and Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (F), and the widespread use of madrasas and other religious institutions to indoctrinate the public. Groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed run expansive madrasa networks that serve as ideological recruitment centers, actively generating and amplifying sentiments around the Kashmir issue. This radicalization ecosystem is central to shaping public discourse and sustaining a climate of hostility toward India.

A glaring manifestation of Pakistan’s state-supported extremism was on display at the Takbir Conference rally held on May 29, 2025, in Lahore. Organized by the Pakistan Markazi Muslim League (PMML)—the political wing of the banned LeT—the rally featured Saifullah Kasuri, a senior LeT commander implicated in the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack. Kasuri arrogantly proclaimed, “Before this incident, Kasur was just a district in Pakistan. Now Kasur is famous across the world”. LeT co-founder Amir Hamza incited the crowd with chants of “Kashmir banega Pakistan, Jammu banega Pakistan, Punjab banega Pakistan”. Posters of Hafiz Saeed, the founder of LeT, were displayed alongside images of Pakistan Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir, revealing the deep links between the military and extremist groups. The event also included anti-India slogans and accusations of India violating the Indus Waters Treaty, accompanied by threats of war if such provocations persisted. This rally, marked by the glorification of terrorism and blatant threats against India, underscores Islamabad’s ongoing promotion of extremist narratives for political and strategic gain.

This trajectory of religious extremism traces back to the 1980s under General Zia-ul-Haq, whose regime—backed by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, strategically harnessed Islamist religious ideology as a tool to mobilize resistance against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. Religious texts were selectively interpreted, Quranic verses distorted, and Hadiths weaponized to indoctrinate youth. While this approach achieved certain geopolitical goals in the short term, it sowed the seeds of enduring instability and extremism.

Today, the country’s top military leadership appears strongly committed to this ideological path. In a speech at the Overseas Pakistanis Convention on April 17, 2025, Army Chief General Asim Munir invoked the Two-Nation Theory, stating: “Our religion is different, our customs are different, our traditions are different, our thoughts are different, our ambitions are different. That’s where the foundation of the two-nation theory was laid. We are two nations, we are not one nation.” Just days later, on April 22, a deadly terrorist attack occurred in Pahalgam, killing 26 innocent civilians on the basis of their Hindu religious identity, raising serious questions about the influence of such divisive rhetoric on terror activity.

Pakistan’s continued use of religion as a tool of statecraft has not only fractured its internal social fabric but has also severely distorted the global image of Islam. In many circles today, terrorism is wrongly associated with Islam—an unfortunate perception that stems in part from Pakistan’s instrumentalization of religion for political and strategic purposes. Among 57 Muslim-majority countries—including Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Indonesia, and Malaysia—Pakistan stands out for embedding religion so deeply into its governance and security doctrines. Perhaps the most alarming manifestation of this is the term “Islamic bomb,” used by officials to describe its nuclear arsenal—an expression that dangerously intertwines religion with military might.

The consequences are now becoming irreversible. Extremist factions have gained a powerful grip over state institutions. Dismantling these networks is no easy task; many operate autonomously and have been normalized within the system. The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), once backed by the state during the Afghan jihad, now turns its weapons inward, targeting Pakistan itself. In 2024 alone, the TTP carried out 482 attacks, resulting in 585 deaths—a staggering 91% increase from the previous year. These attacks accounted for 52% of all terrorism-related fatalities in Pakistan, underscoring the TTP’s resurgence as the country’s deadliest terror organization. This is a textbook case of blowback from state-sponsored radicalization.

The radicalization process also threatens Pakistan’s internal cohesion. Once released, extremist ideologies are hard to contain. They gradually penetrate key institutions—including the legislature, executive, judiciary, and media—stifling dissent and undermining democratic norms. As Mahatma Gandhi wisely noted, “Means are as important as the ends.” When a state pursues its objectives through fanaticism and violence, the legitimacy of those objectives becomes hollow.

Radicalization is not merely a policy choice—it is a social toxin. It robs a generation of their potential by distorting religious teachings to justify hate and terror. A society governed by radical thought cannot nurture art, creativity, innovation, civil discourse, or democratic participation. Instead, it breeds deep mistrust and division, unravelling the social fabric. In such an environment, fear replaces freedom, and violence becomes the norm rather than the exception.

There are better examples to follow. Countries like Saudi Arabia, under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s Vision 2030, are embracing modernization, economic reform, and social progress. They are working to separate religion from the mechanisms of state and focusing on long-term human development. Pakistan must draw inspiration from such models if it wishes to survive and thrive.

Failure to implement de-radicalization strategies will come at a steep cost: erosion of sovereignty, economic stagnation, weakening democracy, and further military entrenchment. Crucially, this will only tighten the military’s hold over Pakistan’s political and social spheres, further weakening civilian authority. True democracy cannot take root in a society where pluralism and tolerance are suppressed by extremist ideology. Democratic political culture demands the rule of law, respect for difference, and a subordination of religion to constitutional principles.

To reverse course, Pakistan must first address the toxic fusion of religion and politics. Only then can civil-military relations be rebalanced and democratic governance flourish. The country must invest in its youth—not as ideological foot soldiers, but as agents of growth and innovation.

Pakistan today stands at a crossroads: between democracy and dictatorship, development and decay, peace and perpetual conflict. The choices it makes now will shape not only its own destiny but also the stability of the entire South Asian region.

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Source: Weekly Blitz :: Writings