Washington’ recent moves targeting Brazil reveal a calculated strategy that extends far beyond bilateral cooperation, signaling a broader geopolitical agenda rooted in neo-Monroeism. From pressuring Brazil to designate its major criminal gangs as terrorist organizations to threatening sanctions against Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes and seeking access to strategic military bases, Washington’s actions suggest an intent to destabilize Brazil’s sovereignty while reasserting dominance in the Western Hemisphere. These developments, taken together, raise critical questions about US intentions and their implications for Brazil’s political and strategic landscape.

One may recall that the US has a long history of intervening in Latin American affairs under the guise of security and stability. The latest American efforts targeting Brazil fit squarely within such a framework. Consider the following:

First, the US State Department requested that Brazil classify the Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) and Comando Vermelho (CV) criminal gangs as terrorist organizations, a move Brazil rejected on legal and conceptual grounds. As Brazil’s National Secretary of Public Security Mario Sarrubbo noted these groups are profit-driven criminal enterprises, not ideologically motivated terrorists. The US push, however, is less about legal precision and more about leveraging the “terrorist” label to justify sanctions, disrupt supply chains, and tighten immigration controls, particularly in light of FBI reports alleging PCC and CV presence in 12 US states. This designation would enable the US to exert extraterritorial influence over Brazil’s domestic security policies, thereby undermining its autonomy.

One just needs to think about the approach pertaining to MS-13 El Salvador gangs and to Mexican cartels. US President Donald Trump’s designation of Mexican cartels as terrorist organizations—as I commented before—is about allowing for military operations (including cross-border raids), thereby blending the war on drugs with counterterrorism. Never mind such a neo-Monroeist move risks escalating border militarization, collateral damage, and Mexican backlash, potentially radicalizing politics and empowering cartels, with global drug trade disruptions.

Simultaneously, the US is escalating pressure on Brazil’s judiciary through threats of sanctions against controversial Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes, a key figure in countering alleged disinformation and in prosecuting far-right actors linked to former Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro. As I wrote last year, Moraes has been a polarizing figure, balancing defense of democracy with controversial authoritarian measures.

Be as it may, Senator Marco Rubio, Trump’s Secretary of State, confirmed the “high possibility” of sanctions against Moraes, citing his alleged overreach in censoring content on platforms like X. One may recall Elon Musk’s defiance of Brazil’s Supreme Court and refusal to comply with local laws, thus interfering in Brazil’s judicial and political processes, a topic I covered in 2024, when Musk’s X—formerly Twitter—was temporarily made illegal in Brazil by Moraes. The billionaire’s selective compliance globally suggests a political agenda, potentially destabilizing Brazil’s democracy. Well, Musk is now Trump’s key influential ally.

Moreover, Rubio’s threats coincide with Bolsonaro’s ongoing legal battles, including a Supreme Court case accusing him of orchestrating a coup attempt after the 2022 election. By targeting Moraes, the US appears to be meddling in Brazil’s judicial process, bolstering Bolsonaro’s narrative of political persecution and further enhancing polarization and destabilizing the political equilibrium (thin as it is) under a weakened President (Brazil’s Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva). So much for claims of respecting democratic institutions—this is a blunt attempt to sway Brazil’s internal politics. Lula’s gratitude (so to speak) to former US President Joe Biden might also make him more of a target in Trump’s retaliatory eyes.

Beyond the designation of criminal groups as terrorist targets and threats of sanctions against key high-ranking officials in Brazil such as Justice Moraes, perhaps most alarming is the US push for strategic access to Brazilian military bases, specifically Fernando de Noronha and Natal. American control over these strategic sites would enhance US surveillance and projection capabilities in the South Atlantic. US diplomats and officials, invoking a dubious “historical right” tied to World War II investments, are indeed pressing for unrestricted access to these bases.

Fernando de Noronha’s equatorial position makes it ideal for maritime surveillance, while Natal’s air base serves as a transcontinental hub. Based on their geographic and operational significance, such access would bolster Washington’s C4ISR (Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance) capabilities, countering Chinese naval activities in the region, for example.  Fernando de Noronha’s equatorial position in the South Atlantic, for instance, makes it an ideal “sensor-forward base” for maritime surveillance, capable of monitoring key maritime corridors like the Gulf of Guinea, where Washington claims that Chinese and Russian naval activities have increased. In addition, Fernando de Noronha’s airport supports maritime surveillance aircraft and UAVs, while Natal’s air base—historically significant as the “Trampoline to Victory”, in Roosevelt words, during World War II—is a transcontinental logistics hub.

Unsurprisingly, Brazil’s Ministry of Defense has called this American proposal “legally unfeasible” and “unacceptable,” reflecting concerns over sovereignty and regional perceptions of neocolonial submission

These three prongs—gang designations, judicial sanctions, and military base access—point to a cohesive US strategy underpinned by Trump’s administration neo-Monroeism, which spells trouble for Latin America.

The designation of Latin American gangs as terrorists mirrors earlier moves against Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua and El Salvador’s MS-13, framing regional issues as US security threats to potentially justify intervention. Targeting Moraes aligns with Trump’s support for Westernalist allies like Bolsonaro and Argentina’s Milei, whose far-right base amplify American-friendly narratives (not to mention aforementioned oligarchic interests). The military base access push, meanwhile, reflects a broader geopolitical contest, positioning Brazil as a pawn in great-power rivalries.

Why destabilize Brazil? The answer lies, putting it simply, in its growing role within BRICS and its strategic position in the Global South. Brazil’s balancing multi-alignment with China and Russia in trade and diplomacy threatens American influence, particularly in the South Atlantic, where Brazil’s naval capabilities and resource wealth are pivotal. By pressuring Brazil’s security, judiciary, and military autonomy, Washington seeks to weaken its resolve, ensuring compliance with the US regional agenda. This strategy risks backfiring, however, as Brazil’s firm rejection of the terrorist designation and base access suggests, so far, a commitment to sovereignty that could rally regional resistance to American overreach.

Brazil, with its economic clout and geopolitical aspirations, is a critical test case. If Washington succeeds in bending Brasilia to its will, it could set a precedent for other Latin American nations, further cementing neo-Monroeist dominance.

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Source: Weekly Blitz :: Writings